How does Official Media Use Affect Confidence in the System?——The Mediating Role of Patriotism and the Moderating Role of Political Knowledge

doi:10.15936/j.cnki.1008-3758.2020.03.007

Abstract

Abstract: Mass media profoundly influences people's political attitudes and tendencies. The role of official media in forming people's confidence in the system has not received enough attention in previous studies. Based on the 2017 netizen social awareness survey database， this paper builds a theoretical model to analyze the impact of official media use on confidence in the system and its mechanism. The study finds that the official media use has a significant positive effect on confidence in the system， and patriotism plays a partial mediating role in this process. Political knowledge not only regulates the positive impact of official media use on patriotism and confidence in the system， but also mediates the intermediary role of patriotism between official media use and confidence in the system. This study reveals the internal psychological mechanism of the formation of people's confidence in the system， and provides useful policy enlightenment for better playing the role of the official media in political communication.

Key words: official media, confidence in the system, patriotism, political knowledge

CLC Number:

D035
G206

WANG Fa-shuo， DING Hai-en. How does Official Media Use Affect Confidence in the System?——The Mediating Role of Patriotism and the Moderating Role of Political Knowledge[J]. Journal of Northeastern University(Social Science), 2020, 22(3): 47-55.

References

[1]Robinson M J. Public Affairs Television and the Growth of Political Malaise:The Case of “The Selling of the Pentagon”［J］. American Political Science Review， 1976，70(2):409-432.
[2]Patterson T E. Bad News， Bad Governance［J］. Annals of the American Academy of Political & Social Science， 1996，546(1):97-108.
[3]Graber D. Mediated Politics and Citizenship in the Twenty-first Century［J］. Annual Review of Psychology， 2004，55(1):545-571.
[4]Norris P. A Virtuous Circle: Political Communications in Postindustrial Societies［J］. Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly， 2001，78(3):552-555.
[5]Kazee T A. Television Exposure and Attitude Change: The Impact of Political Interest［J］. Public Opinion Quarterly， 1981，45(4):507-518.
[6]Miller A H，Goldenberg E N，Erbring L. Type-set Politics: Impact of Newspapers on Public Confidence［J］. The American Political Science Review， 1979，73(1):67-84.
[7]张志海. 西方新闻媒体监督:历史、实质与趋势——以美国为例［J］. 上海行政学院学报， 2018(5):86-92.
[8]童兵. 官方民间舆论场异同剖析［J］. 人民论坛， 2012(13):34-36.
[9]马得勇，王丽娜. 中国网民的意识形态立场及其形成:一个实证的分析［J］. 社会， 2015(5):142-167.
[10]胡荣，庄思薇. 媒介使用对中国城乡居民政府信任的影响［J］. 东南学术， 2017(1):94-111.
[11]Lu Jie. Acquiring Political Information in Contemporary China: Various Media Channels and Their Respective Correlates［J］. Journal of Contemporary China， 2013，22(83):828-849.
[12]张明新，刘伟. 互联网的政治性使用与我国公众的政治信任——一项经验性研究［J］. 公共管理学报， 2014，11(1):90-103.
[13]夏锦文. 中国特色社会主义制度自信的三大基础性问题［J］. 学海， 2018(1):5-13.
[14]叶杰. 非官方媒体使用对制度自信的影响机制——以网民为分析对象的实证研究［J］. 经济社会体制比较， 2019(1):70-82.
[15]李元书，杨海龙. 论政治社会化的一般过程［J］. 政治学研究， 1997(2):14-22.
[16]苗红娜. 国内政治社会化研究三十年述论［J］. 教学与研究， 2014(12):95-104.
[17]Chong D，Druckman J N. Framing Theory［J］.Annual Review of Politics Science， 2007，10(1):103-126.
[18]Dellavigna S，Kaplan E. The Fox News Effect: Media Bias and Voting［J］. The Quarterly Journal of Economics， 2007，122(3):1187-1234.
[19]孙忠良. 议微博时代官方媒体的角色定位［J］. 电子政务， 2014(8):88-92.
[20]张明军，易承志. 制度绩效:提升中国特色社会主义制度自信的核心要素［J］. 当代世界与社会主义， 2013(6):79-86.
[21]林尚立. 制度与发展:中国制度自信的政治逻辑［J］. 中共中央党校学报， 2016(2):61-69.
[22]Zhang Yanbing，Harwood J. Television Viewing and Perceptions of Traditional Chinese Values Among Chinese College Students［J］. Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media， 2002，46(2):245-264.
[23]金恒江，聂静虹. 媒介使用对中国女性政治信任的影响研究——以中国网民为对象的实证研究［J］. 武汉大学学报(人文科学版)， 2017，70(2):101-112.
[24]薛可，余来辉，余明阳. 媒介接触对政府信任的影响:基于中国网民群体的检验［J］. 现代传播， 2017(4):131-136.
[25]Blank T. Determinants of National Identity in East and West Germany: An Empirical Comparison of Theories on the Significance of Authoritarianism， Anomie， and General Self-esteem［J］. Political Psychology， 2003，24(2):259-288.
[26]Smith T W，Kim S. National Pride in Comparative Perspective: 1995/96 and 2003/04［J］. International Journal of Public Opinion Research， 2006，18(1):127-136.
[27]Huddy L，Khatib N. American Patriotism， National Identity， and Political Involvement［J］. American Journal of Political Science， 2007，51(1):63-77.
[28]陈丹. 习近平关于爱国主义教育的重要命题［J］. 思想教育研究， 2019(4):67-70.
[29]马得勇，张志原. 公共舆论的同质化及其心理根源——基于网民调查的实证分析［J］. 清华大学学报(哲学社会科学版)， 2017，32(4):174-190.
[30]蓝汉林，钟超，闫雨露. 习近平关于青年爱国主义教育论述研究［J］. 浙江工业大学学报(社会科学版)， 2019，18(2):137-143.［31］Zaller J. Information， Values， and Opinion［J］. American Political Science Review， 1991，85(4):1215-1237.［32］Converse P E. Information Flow and the Stability of Partisan Attitudes［J］. Public Opinion Quarterly， 1962，26(4):578-599.［33］马得勇，王丽娜. 公共舆论倾向如何形成?——对网民政治支持的实证分析［J］. 探索， 2016(6):33-44.［34］马得勇，陆屹洲. 信息接触、威权人格、意识形态与网络民族主义——中国网民政治态度形成机制分析［J］. 清华大学学报(哲学社会科学版)， 2019，34(3):180-192.［35］周浩，龙立荣. 共同方法偏差的统计检验与控制方法［J］. 心理科学进展， 2004(6):942-950.［36］Baron R M，Kenny D A. The Moderator-mediator Variable Distinction in Social Psychological Research: Conceptual， Strategic， and Statistical Considerations［J］. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology， 1986，51(6):1173-1182.［37］Aiken L S，West S G. Multiple Regression: Testing and Interpreting Interactions［M］. London: Sage， 1991:212.